User:Kuyachris/sandbox

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Selecting Possible Articles[edit]

Area[edit]

Quezon City https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quezon_City

Quezon City is where the main office of PSET, my partner org, is located. Additionally, there are urban poor communities located within Quezon City that I can focus my research and writing on, specifically those located near recent developments of malls and commercial buildings. In terms of the Wikipedia article, I can contribute to recent demolitions and construction efforts and the resulting impacts on specific communities.

Smokey Mountain https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smokey_Mountain

Smokey Mountain is a landfill in Tondo, Manila, with a large urban poor population surrounding it. While Manila has evolved into a large metropolitan city, the large disparities between economic groups are blatantly obvious even within a small geographic vicinity. Understanding more about the informal settlers surround this area can provide me more context in regards to urban poor advocacy.

Slums in Manila https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slums_in_Manila [1]

This general entry on slums in Manila can be improved, specifically by expanding the listed areas and the statistics for each region. A section involving organizations that work within poverty alleviation within this region can be a useful resource for both my own PE and for future researchers.

Sector[edit]

Extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances in the Philippines https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Extrajudicial_killings_and_forced_disappearances_in_the_Philippines

The issue of human rights and extrajudicial killings has strong historical roots and present-day manifestations. Since my PE work will involve advocacy, a better understanding of current perspectives regarding killings and forced disappearances will provide me with a better framework to understand the issues affecting vulnerable communities and activists. There seems to be a one-sided presentation on this article of who are the perpetrators of EJKs—there is somewhat of an anti-left stance, at least based on my own personal understanding of this issue. It would be useful to dissect the current discussions and conflicts and provide a more nuanced representation of the issue.

Lumad https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lumad

Lumad is a collective term for a set of non-Muslim indigenous groups from the southern region of the Philippines, Mindanao. It would be useful to expound on this article for both historical and contemporary reasons. Currently, these groups are facing forced displacement and militarization of their communities, with some taking refuge in Manila to advocate for their rights. The article can be improved in terms of present-day conflicts and issues in order to provide a more overarching picture of the historical narrative at play. Exploring this topic will provide me with a better stance on how to approach the media advocacy work that can be done for this group during my upcoming PE.

Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bagong_Alyansang_Makabayan

BAYAN is a prominent political party, one aligned with progressive and left-leaning ideals. They have been active in terms of advocacy for the working-class sector and indigenous groups. They have an office in Manila and PSET has access to representatives from their organization, so a better understanding of their stance and ideological framework can be useful for my upcoming PE, especially if I am to dialogue with some of their members. There is a good amount of dialogue on the Talk page as well, especially in regards to providing criticism about the group, so it would be helpful for me to look over the input and understand the opposing sides within this discourse.

Evaluating two articles[edit]

Area

Kadamay housing project protests

Description of "pay for rally" protestors seems to come from a biased news source. [2] UNTV does not seem to be a well-regarded news sources in the Philippines, at least from personal exposure.

Some opposing point of views presented, although the delivery in some sentences are not balanced.

"eligible to steal the houses" seems to be inaccurate and unclear language, especially in terms of legality

Good chronological organization, although there can be more information regarding the history of the housing units and why they were unoccupied.

A section of legality for settlers to take over housing units can be added.

Sector

Media activism / Artivism

Main citation for the definition and lead of the article is a Huffington Post article that is somewhat outdated with missing embedded videos.

There can be categorizations to separate visual artists, musical artists, performance artists, etc.

There can be added criticisms in terms of art being a privileged practice, with the most marginalized groups lacking access to leisure time to create art.

Biliography[edit]

Slums in Manila[edit]

Planet of the Slums [3]

A good study of slums within various contexts; socially, economically, materially, politically, etc. Also includes mentions of the Philippines and various localities within the country that have slum developments and informal settlements.

Culture of improvisation: informal settlements and slum upgrading in a Metro Manila locality [4]

Specifically published by the University of the Philippines and can provide a more local context about slum dwellings and the efforts to improve the conditions within these areas.

Slum as a way of life : a study of coping behavior in an urban environment [5]

Another publication from the University of the Philippines that can provide more culturally-relevant perspectives in terms of the citizens and their coping mechanisms within the slums.

Media activism[edit]

Artistic citizenship : artistry, social responsibility, and ethical praxis [6]

An overview of the social responsibilities of artists and their attempts to be responsible citizens through various forms of art. Can be useful in terms of expanding the “forms of media activism” covered in the original Wikipedia article.

Global activism : art and conflict in the 21st century [7]

An exploration of protests and public displays through online social media, which can be very useful in terms of expanding the relationship between media and activism. This can be used to expand on the case studies examples presented in the media activism article.

Mediation and protest movements [8]

This resource a specific mention of media in the Philippines in regards to democracy, communication, and social movements.

Summarizing and Synthesizing[edit]

Done Incorporating into Article
Quote / Info Used ✔️
Quote / Info Note Used / Needed

Area[edit]

The Environments of the Poor in Southeast Asia, East Asia and the Pacific [9] / Ballesteros ✅[edit]

Chapter 19 - SLUM POVERTY IN THE PHILIPPINES Can the Environment Agenda Drive Public Action?

Not all who live in slums are considered to be poor according to statistical standards. A measurement in 2010 states that around 50% of slum residents earn wages of $2-$4 USD a day, landing above the federal poverty line. While some residents are employed in formal wage labor outside of the slums, there is no alternative housing options for them within a reasonable distance of their employment. ✔️

Four types of slums in terms of location:

  • by a river or near coastal areas
  • by an infill or a dumpsite
  • by heavily travelled roads
  • by road corners and intersections ✔️

The informal structure of utilities within slums also contributes to the poverty of its residents. A measurement of the average cost of water within Metro Manila slums shows that residents pay twice as much in comparison to households within officially serviced areas. ✔️

The rate of health ailments, especially respiratory problems and diarrhea, are significantly higher in the slums. ✔️

Planet of Slums - Mike Davis [3][edit]

The official reported poverty statistics may not be accurate due to political desires to maintain lower rates of poverty. Researchers suggest that up to an eighth of the slum population in Manila remains uncounted. ✔️

There is a constant tension among squatters, landlords, and developers over the usage of land and space. It is suspected that arson is used to force evacuation and demolition in order to clear spaces for development. In the beginning of 1993, Manila had 8 major slum fires over the span of 3 months ✔️

An cost-comparison shows that slum residents p ay up to 4200% the amount for vended water versus piped water ✔️

Manila's Squatter Movement - Karaos [10][edit]

"Thus, although these early mobilizations were in many ways militant and irreverent of state authority, the demand for land took on a defensive nature. They targeted state agencies and resisted state-imposed programs but they remotely threatened the prevailing structure of economic distri­bution and political authority." (74) ✔️

"In August 1975, the President issued a decree which criminalized squatting in an effort to stem the growing squatter invasions of government and privately-owned lands." (75) ✔️

"The increasing politicization made the organizations more vulnerable not only to repressive actions by the state but also to ideological divisions and conflicts which have taken a toll on the quality and unity of the organizations." (77) ❌

"By 1990, there were at least eight major urban poor alliances based in Metro Manila." (80) ✔️

Poverty Alleviation and the Eviction of the Poorest: Towards Urban Land Reform in the Philippines - Berner [11][edit]

the market mechanism has systematically failed to provide for mass housing" (557) ✔️

The proliferation of squatting, implying a large-scale violation of these rights, can no longer be seen as a temporary anomaly that will disappear in the course of development. We have to be aware that the role of squatter colonies is fundamental rather than marginal: the metropolitan economy is heavily subsidized by their existence, and cannot function — much less be competitive — without this subsidy (557) ✔️

urban planning in Manila failed precisely because it ignored, or even worked against, the housing needs of the masa (masses) and thereby never offered a viable alternative to squatting (558) ✔️

Squatting implies illegal construction but produces houses worth several thousands of pesos each: ‘The demolition of shanty towns is a waste of housing stock and property, because squatters frequently make considerable investments in their houses. Moreover, . . . existing employment opportunities within the cleared areas were also destroyed’ (560) ✔️

Poverty and Uneven Development - Reflections from a Street Children Project in the Philippines [12] / Silva

The injus tices of structural adjustment, which largely dictates the substantive part of bilateral and multilateral loan arrangements, force debtor nations to exercise fiscal restraint in their national expenditures and to allocate funds to meet high debt service rates in their national budget, rather than pay for social services and much needed infrastructures, at the expense of an authentic development for the people. (279-280)

As the economy suffers, a large proportion of the workforce remains underemployed or unemployed, while they simulta neously lack social services. (280)

Migrant families that settled in slums and squatter communities have continued to suffer from lack of access to social services, poor housing conditions with no drinking water supply or sanitation, as well as the absence of health care and medicines. (281)

Evictions and fear of evictions in the Philippines [13] / Murphy and Anana

Approximately 200,000-300,000 families, or 1-2 million people, are evicted forcibly each year in Asia. (40)

One reason we have slums is because people ask whether it is worthwhile building decent homes when they can be evicted at any time. (40)

Beginning in around 1970, however, a new consciousness of housing rights began to form. As in the immediate post-World War II period, Asian governments had to come to terms with labour legislation and workers rights so, after 1970, they had to accommodate housing rights. This period coincided with the promulgation of the United Nations Covenant on Economic Social andCulturalRightsof1974(wherehousingrightsaremostfirmly stated) and the 1976 UN Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat) in Vancouver. (41)

According to a 1992 report by the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights, forced and usually violent evictions affected a total of 120,000 urban poor dwellers in Manila each year from 1987-1992.

Squatter Access to Land in Metro Manila [14] / van Naerssen

Shortly after the Second World War spontaneous settlements or squatter areas came into existence. Many refugees settled at Tondo ' Foreshoreland, (3)

The ownership of the land in Manila is concentrated in the hands of a few families. (4)

neighborhood organizations strive for improvement of public facilities, such as water, electricity, sanitation, schools and health clinics. (4)

the right to live in Tondo was recognized in 1956 by Republic Act 1597. This Act promised to give squatter families the opportunity to buy land at the cost of 5 pesos (a quarter of one US dollar) per square meter. But the Act, proclaimed shortly before the end of the presidential elections, was not implemented (6)

in each society enough potential is avail- able to generate social movements. But they will only unfold and develop if enough resources are mobilized: money, human resources, legitimacy and facilities. (18)

Methods[edit]

Media and Democracy in the Philippines [15] / Gloria[edit]

"Some owners have been using their newspapers either to put down their rivals or even merely to seek political legitimacy by cozying up to the powers that be." (194)

"those who wish to control or silence the press do so through market mechanisms rather than the strong-arm tactic of the state. These are in the form of organized pressure from advertisers; more intense attempt to bribe journalists with perks and cash; and putting pressure on media owners who are vulnerable to government pressure because they own businesses that are subject to official regulation." (196)

The problem of the Philippines is not lack of information, but lack of proper information. It is not lack of opinion but a dearth of informed opinion. (196)

The Media, The Market and Democracy: The Case of the Philippines[16] / Coronel[edit]

The role that new technology played in the revolt was due in part to the fact that the established media were initially restrained in their reporting on Estrada (110)

The anti-Estrada uprising showed the role the media could play in providing information, encouraging participation in protests by reporting on them, and keeping protesters in touch with each other. (111)

To this day, the samizdat tradition remains strong, with anti-government groups continuing to publish underground papers or, since the Internet, putting up guerrilla Websites. (111)

The development of broadcasting in the Philippines was spurred largely by the drive for profits and for political influence. (112)

For most of the post-war period, newspapering was firmly in the hands of big businesspeople, who sometimes used their newspapers to push for legislative and policy changes, put down their rivals and promote their allies (114)

No government body oversees or supervises the press. No license or permit is required to publish a newspaper or magazine. There is no prior review or censor- ship, and in theory, the press can report on what it wants, subject only to restric- tions set by libel, slander and sedition laws. (118)

Competition has resulted in homogeneous reporting and programming. News- papers and broadcast stations tend to produce the same kind of reports that are guaranteed to sell. The result is the tabloidization of news and public affairs. (118)

in a market-conscious media industry, the market can dictate and demand better and more independent reporting. (122)

Towards cyberactivism 2.0? Understanding the use of social media and other information technologies for political activism and social movements [17][edit]

"making it easier to communicate, organize, share information, or change meeting locations. (365)

"use of social media tools to manage information, distribute functions, and enable users, or protesters, with online tools and information to organize protests and become activists" (366)

Social media enable activists with tools that provide low cost and high dissemination possibilities for their causes. (375)

The arts of indigenous online dissent: Negotiating technology, indigeneity, and activism in the Cordillera[18][edit]

As national minorities, the groups emphasized the limited authentic support afforded by government and other local institutions to indigenous causes, making it necessary for them to seek sup- port from and be in solidarity with indigenous communities with similar experiences from outside. (39)

because the issues they advance often attack multinational companies or government which have significant control of local mainstream media, the only way they can be given a platform to communicate their causes and claims that can reach a broader international audience, is through their online space (39) ✔️

Having a website allowed them to debunk notions about indigenous communities commonly projected in na- tional media and assert that indigenous people are well able to express themselves and struggles, if given the opportunity. (40)

Tebtebba’s list serve also facilitates an exchange in the situation of indigenous communities in its partner network, and enables mobilization of external support critical when internal country condition is too hostile to allow them to mobilize internally, for example in the case of political harassments or killings believed to be involving national governments. (40)

Hughes and Dallwitz (2007) warned that allowing important cultural material publicly accessible in the web could be culturally unacceptable for indigenous communities wishing to restrict access to local cultural knowledge (41)

Planning activism: Using Social Media to claim marginalized citizens’ right to the city [19] / Tayebi[edit]

I redefine the planners’ role as activists and ex- plain how development in Information Technology and Social Media can facilitate their ability to advocate citizens’ right to the city, which includes both the right of participation and the right of appropriation. (88)

Finally, they identify five axes toward the right to the city, as follows: (1) access to benefits of city life and responsibilities to facilitate these rights; (2) transparency, equity, and efficacy in city administration; (3) participation and respect in local democratic decision-making; (4) recognition of diversity in economic, social, and cultural life; and (5) reducing poverty, social exclusion, and ur- ban violence. (89)

groups can build social networks to develop and reinforce their power to pursue and advance their causes (90)

Based on the definition of right to the city, citizens have both the right of participation in decisions that affect where they live and the right of appropriation in accessing, occupying, and using spaces and creating new spaces that meet their needs  (90)

According to him, each social movement has three main characteristic features, as follows: (1) the primary assertion of direct collective action; (2) planning conception as a form of politics; and (3) seeking a transformative process (Friedmann) (90)

planning activists can use Social Media to establish local networks of local activists and active citizens to reach grassroots populations. (91)

Planning activists can use Social Media in establishing and expanding location-based networks to call for direct actions on the streets, spread the word, and obtain public attention for their causes.  (92)

“These days will never be forgotten ...”: A critical mass approach to online activism / Ghobadi[20][edit]

The model suggests that online activism helped organize collective actions and amplify the conditions for revolutionary movements to form. Yet, it provoked elites' reactions such as Internet filtering and surveillance, which do not only promote self-censorship and generate digital divide, but contribute to the ultimate decline of activism over time. (52)

"(ii) online activism generates two opposing forces of encouraging and inhibiting interventions, and (ii) the interplay between these forces determines the outcomes of such activism." (53)

"online facilities can diminish geographic boundaries, shift the burden of mobilization from organizations to individuals, enable reach of a greater global audience, and contribute to the creation of networked diasporas" (54)

(i) even limited practice of online activism may spark false perceptions regarding the costs of activism and thus play a powerful role in shaping wide-spread collective actions, (ii) it is natural for different parties with different interests to intervene and either encourage or inhibit such activism, (iii) the balance of interventions determine the outcomes of online activism, and (iv) interventions may result in unintended outcomes" (67)

Global Activism / Art and Conflict in the 21st Century / Peter Weibel [21]

"Performance-based interventions by artist collectives and individuals combined with distribution through the mass media have shown how activists can make a real contribution to overcoming crisis situations by being unequivocal about problematic conditions, often using artistic means to do so.

Case Study: Mary Jane Veloso

A broad social media campaign to support Mary Jane Veloso, an overseas Filipino domestic worker, was able to delay her scheduled execution in an Indonesian court. The petition on Change.org to support her was one of the fastest-growing campaigns from the region.

Possible Sources List (To Research)[edit]

Table of Resources for Wiki Project (Area)
Title Read Link
Community-driven disaster intervention : experiences of the Homeless People's Federation Philippines, Incorporated (HPFPI) / Jason Christopher Rayos Co. LINK
Socio-demographic characteristics and fertility behavior of slum dwellers in Iloilo City / Thelma Abiado-Gicole. LINK
The Philippine rural poverty situation / Edsel Sajor. LINK
The Environments of the Poor in Southeast Asia, East Asia and the Pacific [9] / Ballesteros ✔️ LINK
Poverty Alleviation and the Eviction of the Poorest: Towards Urban Land Reform in the Philippines [11] / Erhard ✔️ LINK
Poverty and Uneven Development - Reflections from a Street Children Project in the Philippines [12] / Silva ✔️ LINK
Health status of children living in a squatter area of Manila, Philippines, with particular emphasis on intestinal parasitoses [22] LINK
Planet of Slums / Mike Davis [3] ✔️ LINK
Evictions and fear of evictions in the Philippines [13] / Murphy and Anana ✔️ LINK
Unequal Alliance: The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the Philippines / Robin Broad [23] LINK
Legalizing squatters, excluding the poorest : urban land transfer programs in the Philippines [24] LINK
Manila's Squatter Movement: a Struggle for Place and Identity / Karaos [10] ✔️ LINK
Squatter Access to Land in Metro Manila [14] LINK
Table of Resources for Wiki Project (Method)
Title Read Link
Global Activism / Art and Conflict in the 21st Century / Peter Weibel [21] LINK
Save Mary Jane Veloso: Solidarity and Global Migrant Activism in the Filipino Labor Diaspora [25] LINK
Media and Democracy in the Philippines [15] / Gloria ✔️ LINK
The Media, The Market and Democracy: The Case of the Philippines[16] / Coronel ✔️ LINK
People's media and communication rights in Indonesia and the Philippines LINK
Activism in Transition: Social Media Activism and the Contentious Politics of Social Change [26] LINK
Towards cyberactivism 2.0? Understanding the use of social media and other information technologies for political activism and social movements [17] ✔️ LINK
“These days will never be forgotten ...”: A critical mass approach to online activism[20] / Ghobadi ✔️ LINK
The arts of indigenous online dissent: Negotiating technology, indigeneity, and activism in the Cordillera[18] ✔️ LINK
Planning activism: Using Social Media to claim marginalized citizens’ right to the city [19] ✔️ LINK
Far from reach but near at hand: The role of social media for cross-national mobilization [27] LINK
Influences of media on social movements: Problematizing hyperbolic inferences about impacts LINK

Drafts of Edits[edit]

Slums in Manila[edit]

EDIT SECTION: Lead[edit]

Slums are traditionally described as dense urban settlements, usually displaying characteristics such as crowded and compact housing units, informal delivery of utilities, and unofficial recognition by local government. In the Philippines, residents of slum areas are commonly referred to as "squatters" and have historically been subject to relocation or forced demolition. With a steadily growing metropolitan area, Metro Manila is subject to a densifying population of slum dwellers—a 2014 article states that Manila has an estimated 4 million people living in slums.[28]

NEW SECTION: Conditions within slums[edit]

Population[edit]

While a large number of slum residents would be considered poor according to the international poverty line of $1.25/day,[29] not all who live in slums fall into this category. A measurement in 2010 states that around 50% of slum residents earn wages of $2-$4 USD a day, landing above the federal poverty line.[9] One reason for this is that while some residents are employed in formal wage labor outside of the slums, there is no alternative housing options for them within a reasonable distance of their employment, thus forcing them to live in the highly-impacted urban slums.[9]

Additionally, the reported poverty statistics may not be accurate due to political desires to maintain lower rates of poverty. Researchers suggest that up to an eighth of the slum population in Manila remains unaccounted for.[3]

Physical location and composition[edit]

Slums in Manila can be categorized to be found in four main types of locations:[9]

  • by a river or near coastal areas
  • by an infill or a dumpsite
  • by heavily-travelled roads
  • by road corners and intersections

A common characteristic of slums is their close proximity to commercial hubs of due to the employment opportunities close . Materials used to build housing units within slums can range from wood, bamboo, steel, and concrete blocks.

Access to utilities[edit]

The informal structure of utilities within slums also contributes to the poverty of its residents. Because of the unofficial status of slum dwellings, public utilities and social services do not reach these slum communities. Residents have to find alternative forms of acquiring utilities—usually through an informal and private economy of vendors. A measurement of the average cost of household expenses within Metro Manila slums shows that residents pay significantly more for basic utilities—such as clean water and electricity—in comparison to households within officially serviced areas.[9] A cost-comparison study showed that in some cases, slum residents paid up to 4200% the amount for vended water versus piped water.[3]

Health disparities[edit]

Because of the lack of sanitation and unstable supply of clean water, the recorded health ailments in slums are significantly higher than other areas of the city. Disproportionate levels of respiratory problems and diarrhea have been recorded.[9]

NEW SECTION: Tensions with government and developers[edit]

There is a constant tension among squatters, landlords, and developers over the usage of land and space. It is suspected that arson is used to force evacuation and demolition in order to clear spaces for development. In the beginning of 1993, Manila had 8 major slum fires over the span of 3 months.[3]

There In the 1980's, government-sponsored beautification campaigns tried to hide slums and shanty towns behind fences, billboards, and concrete walls.

NEW SECTION: Legality[edit]

In 1975, Ferdinand Marcos signed a presidential decree that made squatting on private and government-owned land illegal.[10] Thus, resident of slums are also referred to as "informal settlers" and usually do not hold legal claim over the land they are living on. There are certain cases where the right of eminent domain has been pursued, although legal judgements rarely benefit those living in the slums.[3]

NEW SECTION: Activism and organizing[edit]

Local groups and and community-based organizations have actively lobbied for the rights of residents within slums and squatter settlements throughout the decades. In 1956, local associations successfully lobbied for Republic Act No 1597, [30] which allowed squatter communities to purchase land they were occupying—although President Ramon Magsaysay died before fully implementing the law. Another prominent squatter organization was the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO)—they were very active in the 1970s. ZOTO had numerous successful initiatives: they obtained funding and material resources for Typhoon Yoling victims, they pushed back the land expansion of an industrial firm, they obtained relocation sites for people displayed by business development, and they were recognized by the World Bank at the community's representative in negotiations. [10]

The growth of local associations within slums continued throughout the decades. By 1990, there were eight major urban poor alliances within Metro Manila, which were composed of multiple local associations throughout the slums. [10] While mobilizations and organized actions throughout the years have won campaigns, some critics say that urban poor movements have mainly been reactionary and defensive, with minimal effect on the larger economic structure and political authority over the slums. Initiatives have mostly been reactionary responses to the policies and actions of the state and not necessarily pro-active.[10]

NEW SECTION: Root causes[edit]

Scholars have argued that the development of slums is a byproduct of economic inequality and failed city planning.[11] Urban developments initiatives have prioritized large-scale commercial expansion while failing to provide adequate housing options for the working class. The current economic market of metropolitan Manila requires a large workforce with minimal compensation who can only afford squatting in slums.[11]

Media activism[edit]

EDIT SECTION: Case Studies[edit]

I reorganized the case studies alphabetically and created a sub-section for "United States" in order to list case studies by geographical location.

NEW SECTION: Philippines[edit]

The Philippines was once said to have the freest press in Southeast Asia, after the ousting of Ferdinand Marcos, due to the subsequent rapid expansion of newspapers, radio stations, and programming throughout the country.[15] This has changed over the years, especially after events such as the Maguindanao massacre, where 34 journalists were killed in a single event.[31] Competing interests within traditional media also complicate the landscape of journalistic transparency—a number of the country's largest newspapers are owned by a few select families who compete in both business and politics.[15] In response, local organizations have turned to alternative forms of information dissemination. For example, indigenous groups in the Philippines have developed their online media presence in order to build international awareness of local issues—such as land grabbing—since local corporations and political powers and influence over the mainstream media.[18]

Mary Jane Veloso[edit]

A broad social media campaign to support Mary Jane Veloso, an overseas Filipino domestic worker, was able to delay her scheduled execution in an Indonesian court. The petition on Change.org to support her was one of the fastest-growing campaigns from the region.

NEW SECTION: Frameworks for the use of media in political movements[edit]

Scholars have attempted to create theoretical frameworks to illustrate the use of media within social movements and activism.

One example is the four-stage model for political movements using social media created by Rodrigo Sandoval-Almazan and J. Roman Gil-Garcia. [17]

  1. triggering event
  2. media response
  3. viral organization
  4. physical response

Limitations of social media activism have also been pointed out by scholars. Some critics argue that media activism and internet activism still require the coverage of traditional mass media outlets in order to gain significant traction. Social movements, especially ones rooted in online social media, also require a critical mass of participants in order to sustain the presence on social media platforms. [17]

A study of the protests and media activism sparked by the 2009 Iranian presidential election also suggests that digital creations and media have to be emotionally moving in order to in order to spur civic engagement and mobilization of citizens.[20]

EDIT SECTION: Suppression[edit]

Another caveat of technology is that those in power can use the internet to track down and target activists.[20]

Dominant elites, or those challenged by media activism, have tried to push back by filtering the internet, blocking specific websites, decreasing the connection speeds, and tracking users who view political information.[20]

States such as North Korea, Venezuela, and China have attempted to curtail media activism through a variety of tactics. The Chinese state engages in media censorship in the name of national harmony, although the Council on Foreign Relations argues that suppression of online activism is to protect authorities' political or economic interests.[32] In North Korea, the state curtails virtually all forms of digital communication, but a few transnational citizen-journalists have used technology like cell phones and thumb drives to communicate accurate news to citizens and abroad.[33]

NEW SECTION: Representation of indigenous groups

References[edit]

  1. ^ "Slums in Manila". Wikipedia. 2018-02-07.
  2. ^ "Kadamay being used by left to create anarchy — Duterte - UNTV News | UNTV News". www.untvweb.com. Retrieved 2018-02-15.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Davis, Mike (2006). Planet of slums. London: Verso. ISBN 1844670228.
  4. ^ Antolihao, Lou (2004). Culture of improvisation: informal settlements and slum upgrading in a Metro Manila locality. IPC reports. Quezon City: Institute of Philippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila University. ISBN 9718610480.
  5. ^ Jocano, F. Landa (1975). Slum as a way of life: a study of coping behavior in an urban environment. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
  6. ^ Elliott, David J.; Silverman, Marissa; Bowman, Wayne D., eds. (2016). Artistic citizenship: artistry, social responsibility, and ethical praxis. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199393749.
  7. ^ Weibel, Peter; Zentrum für Kunst und Medientechnologie Karlsruhe, eds. (2015). Global activism: art and conflict in the 21st century. Karlsruhe, Germany: ZKM, Center for Art and Media. ISBN 0262526891.
  8. ^ Cammaerts, B.; Mattoni, Alice; McCurdy, Patrick, eds. (2013). Mediation and protest movements. Bristol, UK ; Chicago, USA: Intellect. ISBN 9781841506432.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g Ananta, Aris; Bauer, Armin; Thant, Myo (2013-11-19). The Environments of the Poor in Southeast Asia, East Asia and the Pacific. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9789814517997.
  10. ^ a b c d e f Karaos, Anna Marie A. (1993). "Manila's Squatter Movement: a Struggle for Place and Identity". Philippine Sociological Review. 41 (1/4): 71–91 – via JSTOR.
  11. ^ a b c d Berner, ErhardJ. (2000-09-01). "Poverty Alleviation and the Eviction of the Poorest: Towards Urban Land Reform in the Philippines∗". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 24 (3): 554–566. doi:10.1111/1468-2427.00265. ISSN 1468-2427.
  12. ^ a b Silva, Teresita (May 1, 1996). "Poverty and Uneven Development - Reflections from a Street Children Project in the Philippines". SAGE. 3 (2): 279–282 – via SAGE Publications.
  13. ^ a b Murphy, Denis; Anana, Ted (April 1, 1994). "Evictions and fear of evictions in the Philippines". SAGE. 6 (1): 40–49 – via SAGE Publications.
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